Return to Virginia Business - January 2002

Top lobbies
Money, smarts and hard work make the best ones

by Page Boinest Melton

Their issues are diverse - health care, gun rights, teacher pay, growth management, the deregulation of electricity. Yet, Virginia's top lobbying groups still have a lot in common, such as money, people and good, old-fashioned elbow grease. These are the winning ingredients of Virginia's most effective lobbies, as rated by legislators for a Virginia Business survey. Almost without exception, the top 10 finishers give generously to political campaigns, represent thousands of members or constituents and put in the time and effort to carefully orchestrate their issues through the General Assembly.

When it comes to politics and governing, money still does the talking. Together the lobbying groups rated most effective accounted for more than $5 million in contributions to party committees and statewide and legislative candidates in 2001 alone. Corporate and association political action committees poured hundreds of thousands of dollars, even a million or more - into the November campaigns - for some more than twice what they have contributed in past years.

Such largesse troubles Susan May, executive director of the Virginia Citizens Consumer Council, who says lawmakers can't help but be swayed by big givers. As an example, she cites her group's frustrating experience trying to get the General Assembly to adopt tougher legislation regarding telemarketers. Her group wanted citizens to have the option of being dropped, once and for all, from telemarketing lists.

But it ran into a buzz saw from influential companies that rely on phone sales, such as credit card companies and retailers, to name a few. They dominated committee hearings with their sheer numbers. Last year, consumers won a much watered-down bill that limits telemarketing calls to between 8 a.m. and 9 p.m. and allows them to be dropped only from individual company call lists. Legislators rejected more far-reaching measures that would have prohibited computer-generated voice calls and allowed consumers to be eliminated from telemarketing lists completely. The lesson learned: "It means that little nonprofits who do advocacy work have a very small voice at the General Assembly. The money is ridiculous," May says.

While some lobbyists might agree and wouldn't mind real campaign finance reform in Virginia, no one plans to unilaterally disarm anytime soon. In fact, advocacy groups and lobbying organizations are finding new ways to flex their influence. On a moment's notice, effective lobbying groups can unleash hordes of people - from doctors to farmers to small-business owners or even customers - who weigh in with legislators on a bill, amendment or budget item. The best lobbyists inspire the members of the groups they represent to visit, write, call, fax or, increasingly, e-mail legislators.

The Virginia Education Association, for instance, boasts a cyber-lobbyist list of 3,000 teachers who they can alert on education issues. Speed counts: Home Builders Association of Virginia lobbyist Natalee Johnsrud says her group contacts builders through a network of 18 local associations. "If we fax them, they can turn out local members" who then contact legislators with faxes and e-mail. "It has to be fast to work. We have to be quick," Johnsrud says.

Though money and people are vital to effective lobbying operations, nothing replaces hard work. Effective lobbyists combine political giving and people skills with years of experience working the powerful committee system. In addition, they must keep their antennae finely tuned when work is being done in between sessions. The number of legislators may have stayed the same, but issues are getting more complex and studies and meetings between the regular 45- and 60-day sessions require more monitoring. When the Medical Society of Virginia's Ann Hughes started lobbying for the state's doctors in 1984, she tracked legislation in just four committees. "I long for those days," she laughs. As health care attracted more regulation, her work expanded. "I have legislation in practically every standing committee except Transportation and maybe Militia and Police."

Here are details on what lobbying groups will be up to during the 2002 General Assembly session:

Health care: Ann Hughes and Katie Webb are fixtures in the General Assembly Building and in the Capitol, both during session and the long interim. They both count on face time with legislators because of the sheer breadth of the issues tracked and influenced by groups they represent: the Medical Society of Virginia and the Virginia Hospital and Healthcare Association, respectively. Because health care has become such a significant industry, on any given day Webb and Hughes may be dogging bills ranging from workers' compensation and employment issues to malpractice and Medicaid. Both the docs and the hospitals are major political players, and neither Hughes nor Webb makes apologies. "It's really how your mother raised you - please and thank you," says Webb. "You help people who need help." Hughes, who runs the Medical Society's VAMPAC - one of the state's largest - sees it similarly. "My philosophy in PAC money is that it really is helping out people who you have asked to help you." Campaigns are so expensive, she says, and legislative offices so costly to run, "it's not realistic" to think that legislators can do it alone.

Look for Hughes and Webb to stay in the thick of things this session - even with this year's obsession with the budget and spending pressures. Legislators expect extensive debates on how to better prepare Virginia for a terrorist attack or wider-spread health scare like anthrax. "The top issue has to be emergency preparedness and making sure that all of the coordination among state agencies and the hospital community is in place," says Webb. "And that the resources are in place to meet whatever happens."

Utilities: Virginia's leading utilities - the "power company" and the "phone company" - rate a tip of the hat from legislators, in part because of the sheer numbers of customers, shareholders and employees they represent. Dominion Resources, with a 2 million-customer base in Virginia, has steered legislators through the maze of electricity deregulation issues in recent years. Dominion augments its in-house lobbying crew, led by Eva Teig Hardy, with a stable of outside lobbyists, including busy Bill Thomas. Not surprisingly, Thomas works for several of this year's most influential lobbying groups and was rated top lawyer-lobbyist in the December Virginia Business ranking of the "Legal Elite." James City Sen. Tommy Norment, the legislature's point man on deregulation, has deferred in meetings and hearings to Thomas and other Dominion lobbyists to explain the company's rationale for a bill or amendment. In Norment's view, that's what they're there for: lobbyists have the expertise a part-time legislator couldn't possibly have on such a complex subject.

Verizon provides phone service throughout most of the state, including the populous Hampton Roads-Richmond-Northern Virginia crescent. The company reaches 2.8 million homes and businesses, with 4.4 million phone lines, and employs 12,000 employees who can be called into action on an issue. "We have a huge investment in Virginia. We pay a great deal of taxes," says Paul Miller, Verizon's media relations manager. "We are a major influence in the state and the members of the General Assembly are very much aware of that."

Associations and trade groups: Virginia Farm Bureau Federation lobbyist Martha Moore can tell you what day Governor-elect Mark Warner said he would support a Cabinet-level position for agriculture and forestry. She plans to hold him to it - reflective of the meticulous prep work and follow-through that associations have in their arsenal of elbow grease. And don't forget relentlessness. "We take the time to educate and follow up with phone calls, work with new legislators, invite them to visit farmers in their district and ask candidates to support Virginia agriculture initiatives," says Moore. "We're like any other group. We recognize the challenges. If you don't ask, you'll never receive."

Similarly, the Home Builders Association of Virginia executes a battle plan each week during the legislative session to make sure legislators hear its side on contentious issues like growth management and impact fees. The Home Builders' Natalee Johnsrud says her group holds weekly legislative meetings during session, with anywhere from 25 to 40 people participating. Strategy sessions are scheduled the day the House Counties, Cities and Towns Committee meets, since that panel handles many issues important to homebuilders. After the briefing, says Johnsrud, it's action time. "Our people see members and we divide and conquer. Then we meet again and debrief." From there, the group activates 18 local associations. They in turn contact their members who contact legislators.

With nearly $1.4 million in campaign contributions in 2001, the Virginia Automobile Dealers Association's Don Hall concedes that his group was one of the most generous givers in the last election cycle. But he's also quick to say that VADA isn't pushing a specific issue before legislators this year. That makes him an exception, since most groups develop a legislative agenda before the General Assembly convenes. "There's a tendency to assume when one is a big player financially that it's always to see what one gets back from the system," he says. "We're big players because it's the right thing to do, supporting people who are pro-business."

Single-issue lobbies: Guns and schools may not mix, but legislators believe key groups representing these hot-button issues are among the most influential in Virginia. Reflective of this year's new political alignments - a Democratic governor and heavily Republican legislature - the stock of both the Virginia Education Association and the National Rifle Association seems to be on the rise. Gun rights groups like the NRA and its state affiliate, long powerhouses in Virginia, zero in on gun-control measures and plan to use their clout ensuring fewer restrictions to the state's concealed weapons law. With the past election adding to the Republicans' numbers in the House, prospects for the gun rights lobby look good, says Steve Canale, president of the Virginia Shooting Sports Association. After all, he notes, House Speaker Vance Wilkins - so powerful now some say he could rival Gov.-elect Mark Warner in reach and influence - "is a lifetime member."

State teachers aligned through the Virginia Education Association hope they have their own trump card in Warner, who campaigned on a pro-public education platform and offered refreshing support for teacher pay raises. And VEA members can rightly say they helped Warner get to the Governor's Mansion. Ads, literature and phone calls encouraged the 60,000-member teachers' and retirees' group to support the Democratic candidate. VEA gave through its own PAC and through the Democratic Governors' Association as well. "Our goal is to deliver the votes of our members," says VEA lobbyist Rob Jones. Extra votes attributed to the debate over education issues are just gravy.

Lobbying firms: While individual lobbyists like Bill Thomas may lobby for several of the most effective groups, legislators cited just one firm - the Vectre Corp. - as among the state's 10 most influential lobbying organizations. As the legislature grows more Republican, Vectre principal Ben Dendy seems to be more successful - ironic, given Dendy's background as a political operative for two former Democratic governors. Dendy lobbied and held key administration posts for Govs. Charles Robb and Gerald Baliles before his stint at Vectre - then part of the Hazel Thomas firm - started in 1989. Dendy has worked to stay nimble as the legislature evolved from a Democratic-dominated body to this year's Republican-controlled chambers with a near veto-proof majority in the House. There's always been a Republican principal in the firm; he brought aboard Republican Jane Woods after she lost her Fairfax state Senate seat in 1999. Looking for GOP officials in his administration, Warner has named Woods as his health secretary. Dendy's firm gets a hearing from legislators in part because of the business clients he represents, including Sentara Healthcare, American Home Products and Old Dominion Highway Contractors. He steers money to legislators in both parties come election time, giving through Vectre and by sitting on the board of Reed Smith's PAC; he also advises clients on how to give. The contributions help, he says, "but I don't think anybody votes on that basis." Instead, he and his colleagues carry the best message they can "and work every member of the committee." Doing so takes lots of effort, but along with taking time to know the issues inside out, and, of course, being able to handle the money, makes for top lobbies.