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Whatever
happened to the referendum?
In
Northern Virginia, a big campaign issue starts to fizzle
as the enormity of transport woes becomes clear.
by Peter
Galuszka
Executive Editor
and Garry Kranz
It
takes a little creativity for business executives to
endure the traffic congestion in Northern Virginia.
For example there's Dave Guernsey, whose company, Guernsey
Office Products, ships office products to customers
throughout the greater Washington, D.C., area. His firm
opened a new storage facility in Beltsville, Md., about
25 miles from the company's main office in Chantilly.
But to avoid bumper-to-bumper traffic that can start
as early as 6 a.m., Guernsey's drivers hit the Beltway
much earlier to make their deliveries. It's inconvenient,
but it works. "In the course of doing that, we
gain about a 20 percent increase in productivity and
save about $1,400 of gas a month," says Guernsey.
Yet,
indications are that Guernsey's business, among many
others in the region, won't see much relief from road
congestion that is among some of the worst in the U.S.
Guernsey has battled the traffic problem fromanother
perspective as well. As former president of the Fairfax
Chamber of Commerce, he was often on the front lines
pushing for transportation improvements to help the
region remain economically competitive.
A seemingly simple and much-touted solution would be
for Northern Virginia to pursue a referendum to raise
regional sales taxes 1 percent to support $2 billion
or more in bonds for roads and schools. The referendum
was one of the crucial issues in the 2001 gubernatorial
campaign. Republican nominee Mark L. Earley declared
that he would veto any regional referendum, while Mark
Warner, a Democrat and Northern Virginia resident, said
that he would not stand in the way of the referendum.
By tossing down the anti-tax gauntlet, Earley alienated
thousands of voters in Northern Virginia's affluent
core of Fairfax, Arlington and Alexandria, which swamped
any support he may have picked up in more conservative
areas outlying Prince William and Loudoun counties.
Northern Virginia's business leaders flocked to Warner's
side, resentful that Earley and his mentor, out-going
Gov. Jim Gilmore, pandered to downstate anti-tax sentiment
by restricting Northern Virginia's right to choose its
own destiny. "I'm pissed off at the whole concept,"
says Bob deLorenzi, founder of PatriotNet, a Fairfax-based
Internet Service Provider. "We are the funding
mechanism for the whole commonwealth and if we want
to fix our roads, we have to get additional capital
We
only get 32 cents back on every dollar we send to Richmond."
But since Warner's victory, the referendum issue has
slipped into oblivion. Why? The reasons are many, ranging
from a budget crisis that demands attention to a lack
of cohesion among Northern Virginia business and civic
leaders. Meanwhile, some believe that traffic conditions
are already so bad that the plan may not accomplish
much at all. The anticipated funds are puny compared
to the real needs. Indeed, the tax-and-pave strategy
may distract attention from badly needed land use reforms.
Political pros caution against expecting any action
on the referendum from the upcoming General Assembly
session, which opens this month. Legislators will face
a more immediate problem: a surprise $1.3 billion shortfall
in the budget. Recent analysis showed the state's finances
to be in such turmoil that outgoing Gov. Gilmore reversed
his controversial plan to abolish the car tax on schedule.
Incoming governor Warner is too busy assembling his
team and devising creative ways to goose revenues (see
stories page GA29 and GA33) to devote much attention
to a Northern Virginia referendum.
There are other factors, to be sure, that stymie a referendum
this year. Although Northern Virginians are united in
their frustration with Richmond, they have reached no
consensus about how a referendum should proceed or which
projects it should fund. Opinions vary widely on what
type of authority the General Assembly needs to give
Northern Virginia to administer the revenues from an
oft-mentioned 1 percent regional sales tax. The estimated
$250 million in annual revenues from the tax could comfortably
support about $2 billion in bonds; revenues in excess
of the amount needed for debt service could supplement
normal transportation funds.
Yet there are serious questions about whether those
funds come close to anticipated needs. Just the top
six transportation projects total nearly $7 billion,
and that sum doesn't include a penny for schools, a
top priority for many Northern Virginia legislators.
Still unresolved is how to structure the bonds: Who
should carry the liabilities on their books - the state,
the localities, or the regional authority? With limited
state bonding capacity and competing demands for state-backed
bonds, downstate legislators will be sure to keep Northern
Virginia's bonds off the commonwealth's balance sheet.
For their part, Northern Virginia leaders have yet to
speak with a common voice on the referendum. Their badly
coordinated attempts to push the referendum through
the General Assembly last year floundered because there
was no coordinating authority established to collect
the tax money, sell the bonds and set funding priorities.
A House bill introduced last year sought to give Northern
Virginia localities authority to increase sales and
use taxes by 0.5 percent. The authority would have encompassed
the counties of Fairfax, Loudoun, Prince William and
Arlington, and the towns and cities of Alexandria, Fairfax,
Falls Church, Manassas, Manassas Park, Dumfries, Leesburg,
Vienna and Herndon. Voters would decide whether they
wanted to pay for transportation improvements themselves,
with the money earmarked for different priorities such
as transportation and education. The bill outlined plans
for the state to initially collect the revenue and then
remit it to a regional authority, which then would decide
how to distribute it to localities. It also provided
for $2.38 billion in bonds to be issued for about 15
transportation projects, including the extension of
rail service to Dulles International Airport and improvements
to Interstates 66 and 95.
As the short session went on, the bill morphed several
times. Legislators wrangled over competing priorities
in transportation and education. Ultimately, the bill
failed to win enough votes to pass.
Last year's failure disappointed legislators elsewhere
in the state, particularly in Hampton Roads, also suffering
from worsening traffic congestion. Sen. Martin Williams,
R-Newport News, says he was tracking the issue because
61 percent of voters in Hampton Roads say they'd be
receptive to a regional sales tax to unclog their region's
roads and tunnels. He was dismayed to see the Northern
Virginia delegation self-destruct. "I thought we
could wait and learn from Northern Virginia's experience
how to do it. Instead, we learned how not to do it,"
he says.
Even the referendum's backers acknowledge that it is
no panacea for Northern Virginia's transportation woes.
Leading a short list of high-priority highway projects
are plans to double the size of the Woodrow Wilson bridge
on Interstate 95 between Maryland and Virginia, expand
the "Mixing Bowl" where I-495, 395 and 95
meet to 24 lanes and extend commuter rail service to
Dulles Inter-national Airport. These three projects
alone total more than $4 billion.
Over
the next six years, according to Virginia Department
of Transportation estimates, Northern Virginia is slated
to receive only $150 million in annual transportation
funding, compared to $500 million a year in needs. Raising
$250 million a year, a 1 percent sales tax would generate
only half of what's needed.
What's more, critics contend that adding more lanes
will do little to relieve congestion over the long run.
Ed Risse, a principal of Synergy Planning in Fairfax
and a consultant for the Piedmont Environmental Council,
notes that simply widening superhighways only attracts
more cars and congestion. He proposes a wholesale rethinking
of Northern Virginia's approach to urban planning. A
favorite Risse concept: placing denser retail, residential
and commercial projects along Metro rail lines closer
to Washington.
Risse's proposals face resistance from powerful county
planners, deep-pocketed real estate developers who make
easier money building on vacant land, and fearful homeowners
who say denser development will clog the roads they
use most. But with the state facing a budget crisis
and the sales-tax referendum up in the air, his recommendations
may end up part of the solution.
With transportation funding needs growing exponentially,
something needs to happen. Getting the region to work
together to address the order of transportation priorities
presents perhaps the biggest challenge of all. As Guernsey
notes: "Very few roads go through only one county
or one city.
So we basically inherit the paralysis
we have today."
Some
activists believe that once momentum for a referendum
starts rolling, many of the uncertainties will clear
up. "I don't have any doubt we could come up with
a very creditable list relatively quickly, certainly
in time to put it on a ballot a year from now,"
says Bob Chase, executive director of the Northern Virginia
Transportation Alliance, an influential grass roots
lobbying group. "We've studied this stuff for so
many damn years that there aren't any mysteries. The
problem (to overcome) is the political horse-trading."
For instance, a joint subcommittee of state legislators
and local elected officials chaired by Sen. Warren Barry
is completing work on how a proposed Northern Virginia
Transportation Authority would be structured. But the
new body may be too similar to other regional ones.
Its voting structure leaves some cold. Under the Barry
Commission proposal, Fairfax County would gain greater
voting power because it comprises 53 percent of Northern
Virginia's population. Critics contend that makes the
new body very similar to existing ones, like the National
Capital Region Transportation Planning Board or the
Northern Virginia Regional Transportation Coordinating
Council. "What the Barry Commission is recommending
right now is a regional authority that's essentially
the same structure we have now: every local government
and five members of the assembly. It's a new uniform
but the same players. That's not exactly regional,"
Chase sniffs.
There is another danger to passing a sales tax. Federal
funds are needed to complete virtually every transportation
improvement, and proceeds from a sales tax wouldn't
be enough to complete most projects. That could lead
to disenchanted voters. "If people vote for a package
thinking that by doing so they're completing these projects,
when in fact the federal dollars that are needed aren't
in the pipe stream, you run the risk of years and years
going by and nothing happening. People will start wondering
why they're paying additional sales tax and not seeing
any results," says Chase.
Adding rail along the Dulles Corridor, for example,
is often cited as a key transportation priority in the
region. The NVTA lists it as one of the region's most
pressing needs. Yet even Chase, the NVTA president,
advises caution, noting the project carries a price
tag of about $4 billion. It would be built gradually,
with a combined bus-light rail system moving passengers
along a line that would run from west Falls Church to
Tysons Corner and Dulles Airport, extending as far as
Loudoun County. A second phase would extend rail to
Centreville from Vienna. Thus far, about $600,000 in
dedicated state funding has been identified - a fraction
of the $3 billion to $4 billion needed.
Adding rail transit along the Dulles Corridor does offer
the promise of faster commutes. Yet the size, scope
and cost of the project make planning cumbersome; it
would take years, perhaps generations, to complete.
"It's still a priority, but is it cost effective?
That's a question I can't answer," says Steve Suder,
a transportation project manager with the Northern Virginia
regional office of the Virginia Department of Transportation.
Suder acknowledges the Dulles Rail project could consume
every last dollar of federal dollars allotted for transit
development in the region - and that's before factoring
in cost overruns and other cost-inflating delays.
Rather than sinking limited state funding into mega-projects,
the NVTA wants smaller, more circumscribed projects
to get top priority. Identifying 10 or 15 projects that
could be substantially improved during the next few
years would bolster voters' confidence and probably
position the region to compete for additional federal
money.
Studies on the feasibility of rail along the Dulles
corridor have implications for another pressing need:
improvements to Interstate 66. Plans call for rebuilding
the interchange where I-66 meets the Capital Beltway.
The project would add lanes, reconfigure HOV lanes and
include a rail extension with at least four stations.
VDOT engineers say that making a multi-modal corridor
could alleviate bottlenecks and gives commuters more
transportation options. Don't expect anything to happen
too soon. Engineers plan further studies before breaking
any ground on a project whose cost is certain to rise
above the $1.3 billion estimate three years ago.
VDOT also wants to plan enhancements to I-66 inside
the beltway. Construction of a third lane for I-66 is
one of Northern Virginia's most pressing needs, yet
no plans are currently on any drawing board. "Adding
one lane each way inside the Capital Beltway would unclog
several bottlenecks and make a major difference"
on alleviating traffic congestion, says Chase.
A
referendum may not even be necessary, if existing legislative
mechanisms for funding are used. The state legislature
passed the Public-Private Transportation Act of 1995
to help private entities get involved in the road-improvement
business by working with localities to acquire land
and build transportation facilities. The Route 28 project
bisecting Fairfax and Loudoun counties offers hope.
Plans call for widening Route 28 from six to 10 lanes,
stretching from I-66 in Fairfax County north to State
Route 7 in Loudoun County. It would include 10 interchanges,
although only three are included in Northern Virginia's
long-range plan. The ambitious proposal, estimated to
cost as much as $380 million, aims to convert the 14-mile
highway into a limited access freeway. VDOT is providing
about $85 million in funding, with landowners along
the route footing the balance of the debt. Bonds will
be sold to generate proceeds and will be repaid with
tax money collected from landowners, who approved a
special tax district to fund the improvements.
Any referendum that involves floating general obligation
bonds is muddied by uncertainty over the state's debt
capacity and how bonds would be structured. During the
George Allen administration, Virginia's bonded indebtedness
declined from the levels of the 1980s and early 1990s.
Nervous bond experts refuse to speculate on how any
new bonds would affect Virginia's debt service. Would
new debt be applied to the Commonwealth or localities?
Privately, some bond experts can't say how new bonds
might affect Virginia's AAA bond rating. Says one analyst:
"The problem with debt capacity is there's no real
definition for it. How different localities describe
it may vary."
Guernsey and others are weary of all the debate and
excuse making. Northern Virginia hasn't erected a new
bridge since 1968, back when the population was considerably
smaller. Although money is certainly an issue, Guernsey
says a regional leadership needs to emerge to steer
the course of debate. There is more than business at
stake. "I think we always have to be sensitive
to doing the right thing for the citizens of Northern
Virginia, and the right thing is not just exclusive
to commuters. We've got neighborhoods and environments
to be sensitive to. We have needs that have to be balanced."
But unless Northern Virginia's leaders get off the dime,
little will happen.
Return to Virginia Business - January 2002
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